Topics for 105-02-Week 2

Backlash over plan to park oil barges by NYC

BERGEN COUNTY, N.J. — Just north of the George Washington Bridge near the preserved banks of Palisades Interstate Park lies a 715-acre section of the Hudson River that could soon become a virtual parking lot for the scores of oil barges that travel the waterway.

The U.S. Coast Guard is evaluating a proposal that would allow up to 16 barges to drop anchor in the middle of the river between Alpine and Yonkers, N.Y., to accommodate an expected increase in the amount of oil hauled to and from Albany, N.Y.

It is the largest and southernmost of seven proposed anchorages on the Hudson, and has galvanized local officials, residents and environmental groups in New York. They say the plan is an environmental threat that will “re-industrialize” the river, make it unsightly and increase the risk of an oil spill. Supporters say it will make the river safer by having more places to anchor with increased traffic.

The issue, however, has gone largely unnoticed in New Jersey even though more people live along the state’s 26 miles of waterfront than ever before. Of the 10,212 comments sent to the Coast Guard about the project, few came from New Jersey.

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“It’s the forgotten river for so many here, but this proposal will affect New Jersey, no question,” said Gil Hawkins, president of the Hudson River Fishermen’s Association, who lives in Leonia. “When you go to the Palisades and look down and see these giant oil barges instead of small boats or eagles hunting fish, maybe then people will realize how important this issue is.”

Over the past five years, the Hudson River has become a major transportation route for crude oil, with millions of gallons transported from upstate New York to refineries, including Bayway in Linden. The crude originates from the oil boom in North Dakota and is shipped by rail to Albany, where New York officials have allowed the amount handled at the city's port to triple to 2.8 billion gallons annually.

While it is a boon for domestic oil production, it has raised concerns about the risk of a spill on the recovering waterway, though oil barges are required to have double hulls and there have been no major spills on the river. A tanker carrying crude ran aground near Albany in December 2012 and ruptured its outer hull but did not spill any of its 12 million gallons of oil.

All of that barge traffic has created a logjam on the river even though there are already anchorages near Yonkers. The Maritime Association of the Port of New York/New Jersey, a coalition of 25 tug, barge and oil companies, submitted a proposal for additional anchorages last year to the U.S. Coast Guard’s district office in Boston.

The association says the anchorage system on the Hudson needs to be updated to meet the needs of “larger size and higher volumes” of barges. It says tugboats and barges make up more than 10 times the amount of other ship traffic on the Hudson and will only grow after Congress last year lifted a 40-year-old ban on exporting domestic oil.

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“Having the ability to safely anchor vessels when circumstances demand it protects the waterway, it doesn’t threaten it,” wrote executives of the United Sandy Hook Pilots’ Benevolent Association, which represents 74 pilots.

But the majority of comments came from opponents, including state lawmakers, town councils, county officials and environmental groups in New York. Many former industrial towns in the lower Hudson have transformed themselves into bedroom communities using the river as an attraction for housing, restaurants and parks.

The comment period closed in December but public meetings may soon be scheduled. The Coast Guard said they are still reviewing the comments, the number of which caught officials by surprise. If approved, anchorages wouldn’t go in until next year at the earliest, said Chief Warrant Officer Allyson Conroy, spokeswoman for the Coast Guard’s New York office.

“We have to go through 10,000 comments,” Conroy said. “That’s not an easy task and we don’t want to rush the process.”

A review of a database containing the comments did not find any New Jersey lawmaker or environmental official weighing in on the issue. The only New Jersey-based advocacy group to submit comments is the state chapter of the Sierra Club, which said the risk of a spill would be a “tragedy threatening millions of people along the river.”

Over the past three decades, New Jersey’s side of the river has seen a residential boom with mostly high-priced condominiums, townhouses and apartment buildings being built on former factories and shipyards.  The towns that make up that waterfront — Fort Lee, Edgewater, North Bergen, Guttenberg, West New York, Weehawken, Hoboken and Jersey City — have seen a population increase of more than 90,000 people from 1990 to 2015, according to the latest census data.

The “Yonkers Extension Anchorage Ground” would span 19,200 feet from Alpine in the south to just across the state line in the north. The barges would be anchored off the 117-year-old Palisades Interstate Park, whose commission told the Coast Guard that they oppose the plan.

Park officials expressed concern that the barges would be an environmental risk parked next to natural and historic landmarks. They said it would impact recreational boating from the park’s marinas in Englewood and Alpine. “We believe these anchorages will negatively impact … our mission to protect the resources we hold in public trust,” James Hall, the commission’s executive director, wrote to the Coast Guard.

Supporters say the anchorages would not be the risk that some are making them out to be, saying the anchorages are not de facto parking lots.

We “understand many local communities on the Hudson have made investments to their shoreside infrastructure to improve the quality of life for their residents,” wrote Brian W. Vahey of the American Waterways Operators. “Towing-vessel operators recognize that the Hudson River is a shared waterway, and they conduct their business in a way that is respectful of other stakeholders."

There will likely be public meetings on the issue scheduled soon, Conroy said.

Hawkins hopes it will attract more attention from New Jersey. The Hudson has had several environmental victories over the last few years from a massive cleanup of toxic PCBs to the shelving of a proposed desalination plant in Rockland County.

“It never ceases to amaze me that when one thing gets straightened out another thing comes along,” Hawkins said. “These people are pushing the limits of a river. To demean a natural heritage river for a parking lot for barges, you might as well put garbage scows on it.”

http://www.usatoday.com/story/money/nation-now/2017/02/26/backlash-over-plan-park-oil-barges-nyc/98459252/

Structure of the Lead:

WHO-not  given

WHAT-An oil barge in the background on the Hudson River, off the New Jersey riverfront.

WHERE-Hudson River

WHEN- 02/15/2017

WHY-not given

HOW-Among those objecting to the proposal is the Palisades Interstate Park Commission, which is concerned about an increase risk of oil spills, more ship traffic and noise and light pollution. The barges would be anchored next to the park in Alpine.

keywords:

1. Palisades 木柵
2. Interstate 洲際
3. accommodate 容納
4.  anchorages 停泊
5.  waterfront 海濱
6. Congress 國會
7. Extension 延期
8. Operators 操作員
9. stakeholders 利益相關者
10. heritage 遺產

Topics for 105-02-Week 1

France’s ‘Burkini’ Bans Are About More Than Religion or Clothing

WASHINGTON — There is something inherently head-spinning about the so-called burkini bans that are popping up in coastal France. The obviousness of the contradiction — imposing rules on what women can wear on the grounds that it’s wrong for women to have to obey rules about what women can wear — makes it clear that there must be something deeper going on.

“Burkinis” are, essentially, full-body swimsuits that comply with Islamic modesty standards, and on Wednesday, Prime Minister Manuel Valls of France waded into the raging debate over the bans in some of the country’s beach towns, denouncing the rarely seen garb as part of the “enslavement of women.”

This, of course, is not really about swimwear. Social scientists say it is also not primarily about protecting Muslim women from patriarchy, but about protecting France’s non-Muslim majority from having to confront a changing world: one that requires them to widen their sense of identity when many would prefer to keep it as it was.

“These sorts of statements are a way to police what is French and what is not French,” said Terrence G. Peterson, a professor at Florida International University who studies France’s relationship with Muslim immigrants and the Muslim world.

Continue reading the main story

While this battle over identity is rising now in the wake of terrorist attacks, it has been raging in one form or another in French society for decades, Professor Peterson said. What seems to be a struggle over the narrow issue of Islamic dress is really about what it means to be French.

During France’s colonial era, when it controlled vast Muslim regions, the veil became a “hypercharged symbol,” Professor Peterson said. Veiling was treated as a symbol of Muslims’ backwardness, and Frenchwomen’s more flexible standards of dress were seen as a sign of French cultural superiority, views that helped to justify colonialism.

Colonialism set France up for the identity crisis it is experiencing today by ingraining a sense of French national identity as distinct from and superior to Muslim identities — and, at the same time, holding out the promise of opportunity to colonized Muslims, who began migrating in large numbers to France. The resulting clash has often played out in debates over clothing.

The veil remained a potent symbol of difference as colonialism collapsed after World War II and Muslims from colonized countries flocked to France. But now, that difference was within a country trying to sort out its own postcolonial identity.

Over generations, the veil became more common among France’s Muslims, as a religious practice and, perhaps, as a symbol of their distinct cultural heritage. It was a visible sign of the way that France itself, as well as its role in the world, was changing.

As a result, the veil became a symbol not just of religious difference, but of the fact that people of French descent no longer enjoyed exclusive dominance over French identity. France had become a multicultural and multiethnic nation, where traditions meant very different things to different people.

The colonial-era symbolism of the veil as a sign of Muslim inferiority made it a convenient focus for arguments that the “traditional” French identity should remain not only the dominant but also the sole cultural identity in France.

Burkinis may seem frightening because they are seen as threatening that particular type of French identity by expressing an alternative form of identity — in this case, as Muslims. Many French, rather than believing that those two identities can coexist, perceive them as necessarily competitive.

There is even a pejorative French word for the introduction of these alternate identities, “communitarianism,” the growth of which is seen as a national crisis.

Muslim clothing items such as the veil or burkini have become symbols of the fact that French national identity is no longer the sole domain of the demographic groups that lived there for centuries. Rules like this summer’s burkini bans are meant to prevent the widening of French identity by forcing French Muslims not only to assimilate, but also to adopt the narrower, rigid identity.

This is a method that France has been using for decades, to repeated failure.

John Bowen, an anthropologist at Washington University in St. Louis, said France tended to experiment with such restrictions at times when it was struggling with both domestic and international tensions relating to Muslims and the Muslim world.

This began in 1989 with the so-called affaire du foulard (“affair of the scarf”), in which three French schoolgirls were suspended for refusing to remove their head coverings. Ostensibly, this was because the scarves were visible religious symbols and thus ran afoul of the French rule of laïcité, or secularism. But laïcité had been on the books since 1905, with head scarves nonetheless by and large permitted.

What changed, Professor Bowen wrote in a book on the subject, were events elsewhere in the world that made Islam seem like a particularly pernicious force. In 1989, Iran’s leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, issued a fatwa against the novelist Salman Rushdie. Around the same time, some Algerians formed the Islamic Salvation Front, a hard-line Islamist party and later insurgency.

Banning head scarves from French schools became a way to deal with the anxiety arising from those domestic and foreign events, and to stake a claim to protecting French values.

Head scarves in schools returned to the national spotlight in 1993 and 1994, as the French authorities worried that young men from Algerian immigrant families would join the Islamist insurgency in Algeria. After the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, veils were once again a focal point for fears of Muslim communities that were isolated from mainstream French society and culture.

And this summer, France is reeling from a series of deadly terrorist attacks, and is increasingly concerned about young French Muslims’ traveling to Syria to join the Islamic State or other jihadist groups. Once again, some in France view the drive for assimilation as a national security issue.

The veil is an especially potent symbol of anxiety over assimilation because wearing it is a choice. Whereas fixed characteristics like race or skin color do not imply any judgment on French culture or values, clothing implies a decision to be different — to prioritize one’s religious or cultural identity over that of one’s adopted country.

Garment bans are meant, in effect, to pressure French Muslims to disregard any sense of communitarian identity and adopt the narrowly French identity that predates their arrival. But trying to force assimilation can have the opposite effect: telling French Muslims that they cannot hold French and Muslim identities simultaneously, forcing them to choose, and thus excluding them from the national identity rather than inviting them to contribute to it.

France does have another choice: It could widen its national identity to include French Muslims as they are. This may feel scary to many French, more like giving up a comfortable “traditional” identity than gaining a new dimension to it. In the absence of accepting this change, there is a desire to pressure French Muslims to solve the identity crisis, but decades of this have brought little progress — and significant tension.

https://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/19/world/europe/frances-burkini-bans-are-about-more-than-religion-or-clothing.html

Structure of the Lead:

WHO-Manuel Valls

WHAT-A woman wearing a “burkini,” a full-body swimsuit designed for Muslims, at a Morocco beach.

WHERE- Frence

WHEN-AUG,18,2016

WHY-France’s ‘Burkini’ Bans Are About More Than Religion or Clothing

HOW-noy given

keywords:

1. inherently 固有的
2. patriarchy 父權制
3. justify 合法化
4. colonialism 殖民主義
5. coexist 共存
6. mainstream 主流
7. assimilation 同化
8. characteristics 特性
9. predates 前期
10. simultaneously 同時

WEEK 9 : Michael Phelps Chosen to Lead U.S. Team at Opening Ceremony

RIO DE JANEIRO — Nathan Adrian was stressed, but for reasons unrelated to having to defend his Olympic 100-meter freestyle crown.

Adrian, a captain for the United States men’s swimming team, was assigned to speak in front of American representatives from other sports and make a case for his teammate Michael Phelps to be the United States’ flag-bearer at the Rio Games’ opening ceremony on Friday. Phelps is the most-decorated Olympian, with 22 medals, including 18 golds.

“I thought that he deserved it,” Adrian said, “and if he didn’t get it, it was going to be on my shoulders.”

To Adrian’s great relief, and to Phelps’s apparent disbelief, that argument carried the day. Phelps, the first American male swimmer to qualify for five Olympic teams, became the second swimmer, after Gary Hall Sr. in 1976, to receive the honor of leading the United States delegation into the stadium for the opening ceremony of a Summer Games.

Hall, who was appearing in his third Olympics, was a new father in 1976, as is Phelps, who has a 3-month-old son with his fiancée, Nicole Johnson.

Phelps was informed of the honor Tuesday night, and the announcement was made Wednesday morning.

“I honestly never thought a swimmer would get it again,” said Phelps, 31, who had other reasons to believe that he would not be the one to end the drought.

Along with his 22 Olympic medals, Phelps has had two arrests on charges of driving under the influence. The more recent one came in September 2014 and prompted his removal from the United States team that competed at last summer’s world championships.

Chuck Wielgus, U.S.A.’s Swimming executive director, who oversaw Phelps’s removal from the 2015 squad, said in a statement that there was no better person than Phelps to lead the American team into the Olympics and that “I can’t wait to see him parade in our delegation.”

After his second arrest, Phelps spent six weeks at a treatment center in Arizona and emerged, he said, with a sense of self that was not just predicated on his swimming success. He has been open about his past struggles and the coping mechanisms he has since acquired.

“When they first told us in the team meeting that he was being nominated, everybody got so excited because it feels so right to have the most decorated Olympian of all time being our flag-bearer and leading us,” said Missy Franklin, a two-time Olympian. “And outside of the pool, having someone who has overcome so much internally, externally, and shared that with everyone and just shown people what an inspiration he is.”

Phelps has never walked with the United States team in the opening ceremony. In his last three Olympic appearances, he competed in the 400-meter individual medley, which he described as the “decathlon of the sport.” The event is held in the first two sessions of swimming, which start the day after the opening ceremony, precluding him from spending hours on his feet the night before.

However, Phelps’s first individual event of these Games is on Monday. He is also in the mix for a berth in the 4x100-meter freestyle relay on Sunday.

Before the United States trials in June, Phelps said he doubted he would take part in the opening ceremony.

“It’s a lot of standing on your feet, six hours, seven hours on your feet,” he said. “Getting older now, so I don’t know if I can handle that.”

When Phelps realized he was a flag-bearer candidate, he sought the advice of his longtime coach, Bob Bowman. On a scale of 1 to 10, he asked Bowman, how strongly did Bowman feel that he should lead his American teammates in the parade? If Bowman said 8 or above, Phelps said, “there was no question I’m doing it.”

And what did Bowman say? “He said 7.8,” Phelps said with a laugh.

Phelps has never been one to ignore Bowman’s instructions at major meets, but this time he made an exception.

“It’s a no-brainer,” he said. “I have to do it.”

One of Phelps’s suite-mates in the Olympic Village is Ryan Lochte, his longtime rival in the individual medley events. When Phelps told Lochte he had been chosen to carry the flag, Lochte was happy for him but also a little envious. The American flag-bearer will wear a jacket that glows with electroluminescent panels, which greatly appealed to Lochte, who dyed his hair blue for these Games and has been known to wear bejeweled grills on his teeth on awards podiums.

“I kind of want to steal that jacket,” Lochte said with an impish grin.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/04/sports/olympics/michael-phelps-to-carry-us-flag-opening-ceremony.html

Structure of the Lead:

WHO-Michael Phelps

WHAT-Michael Phelps never walked in the opening ceremony at his previous four Olympic Games.

WHERE-Rio

WHEN-2016 Rio Olympics

WHY-noy given

HOW-noy given

keywords:

1. captain 隊長
2. teammate 隊友
3. deserved 值得
4. delegation 代表團
5. stadium 體育場
6. drought 乾旱
7. executive 行政人員
8. coping mechanisms 應對機制
9. berth 泊位
10. electroluminescent 電致發光

WEEK 8 : Complicating ‘Brexit’ Plans, Britain’s Top Envoy to E.U. Resigns

LONDON — Complicating his country’s already fraught preparations for exiting the European Union, Britain’s top diplomat in Brussels resigned unexpectedly on Tuesday, less than three months before withdrawal negotiations are scheduled to start.

The decision by the diplomat, Ivan Rogers, the permanent representative to the European Union, deprives Britain of one of its most knowledgeable officials as it tries to form a coherent strategy for untying more than four decades of European integration.

It also underscores some of the tensions at the highest level of government as Britain’s exit, known as Brexit, dominates the political agenda after last year’s referendum, in which voters opted to leave the bloc.

Mr. Rogers did not offer a public explanation for his departure, but in an email to colleagues he appeared to suggest that warnings about the complexity of Brexit had strained relations with politicians who want to put a more positive gloss on the withdrawal process. “I hope you will continue to challenge ill-founded arguments and muddled thinking and that you will never be afraid to speak the truth to those in power,” Mr. Rogers wrote, according to copies of the message published in the British media.

“I hope that you will support each other in those difficult moments where you have to deliver messages that are disagreeable to those who need to hear them,” he added.

In a statement, the British government said Mr. Rogers had been due to complete his term in October and was leaving early to give his successor a chance to take over before formal exit negotiations start.

But in recent weeks he was the focus of criticism from hard-line supporters of a British exit, after reports surfaced that he had privately warned that trade talks on quitting the bloc could last a decade — and even then might fail.

Nevertheless, his departure took politicians and diplomats by surprise, as many analysts had expected Mr. Rogers to use his expertise to play a leading role in the complex withdrawal talks.

The announcement polarized opinion at home, worrying those who want Britain to manage a smooth withdrawal and to retain a close relationship with the bloc, but pleasing advocates of a swift and sharp break, known as a “hard Brexit.”

On Twitter, Nicholas MacPherson, a former senior civil servant at the British Treasury, described the departure as part of a “wilful & total destruction of E.U. expertise.” Hilary Benn, an opposition Labour lawmaker who leads a parliamentary committee on withdrawal from the bloc, told the BBC that Mr. Rogers’s departure was “not a good thing” so close to the start of negotiations, when “there could not be a more crucial time for the British person in Brussels.”

But some hard-line “Leave” supporters see many British diplomats as voices tainted by their experience in Brussels. In a statement, Arron Banks, a businessman and the chairman of Leave.EU, described Mr. Rogers as “far too much of a pessimist, and yet another of the establishment’s pro-E.U. old guard.”

In Brussels, Mr. Rogers was known and trusted by his counterparts from other member states. At least in the short term, his successor is unlikely to receive such a sympathetic hearing.

Charles Grant, the director of the Center for European Reform, a research institute, said on Twitter that the resignation “makes a good deal on Brexit less likely,” adding that Mr. Rogers was one of the few people at the top of the British government who understood the workings of the bloc.

In its statement, the British government said he was resigning “a few months early,” and had “taken this decision now to enable a successor to be appointed before the U.K. invokes Article 50 by the end of March,” a reference to the treaty article that sets a two-year timetable for a member country to complete withdrawal negotiations.

But reported private warnings by Mr. Rogers over the complexity of a British exit had made him the object of sharp criticism from prominent hard-line supporters of a withdrawal, including Dominic Raab and Iain Duncan Smith, Conservative lawmakers.

When those reports surfaced, the office of Prime Minister Theresa May did not deny their substance but said that the ambassador was reflecting the views of other member countries, and that it was not his own assessment.

Nevertheless, the prospect of a protracted negotiation was a far cry from some claims that a new relationship could be struck within the two-year timetable.

In that respect, the situation underscored the difficulty British diplomats face in trying to advise their political masters on the complexities of the move.

Mr. Rogers was thought to have a good personal relationship with Mrs. May, with whom he worked on European antiterrorism and immigration policies during her time as home secretary. Although she was said to have listened to Mr. Rogers’s advice, his relationships with other government figures may have been more strained.

Nick Clegg, a former deputy prime minister and a Liberal Democrat, said in a statement that “the government needs all the help it can get from good civil servants to deliver a workable Brexit.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/03/world/europe/ivan-rogers-resigns-brexit.html

Structure of the Lead:

WHO-Nicholas MacPherson

WHAT-Many analysts had expected Ivan Rogers to use his expertise to play a leading role in the complex negotiations of Britain’s exit from the European Union.

WHERE-London

WHEN-JAN,3,2017

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WHY-wilful & total destruction of E.U. expertise

HOW-NOT GIVEN

keywords:

1. fraught 充滿
2. diplomat 外交官
3. permanent 常駐
4. untying 解開
5. tensions 緊張
6. referendum 全民投票
7. privately warned 私下警告
8. departure 離開
9. withdrawal 退出
10. pessimist 悲觀主義者

WEEK 7 :Terror Through the Eyes of Innocents: The Children in Nice

NICE, France — It was the first and last fireworks show in this seaside city that 4½-year-old Yanis Coviaux ever saw. He died in the carnage Thursday night. So did Brodie Copeland, 11, who was visiting from the United States.

Haroun El Kamel, 12, survived but might never look at fireworks the same way.

Then there was Laura Borla, 14, who came to see the fireworks with her twin sister and their mother but was separated from them in the chaos. After days of searching frantically for her, Laura’s family learned on Sunday morning that she was dead.

“We miss you already; we will love you always,” her 19-year-old sister, Lucie, said in a Facebook post.

The driver who plowed his truck into crowds at the conclusion of the Bastille Day fireworks in Nice killed at least 84 people and injured hundreds more. The trauma was exacerbated by the presence of a large number of children, whose deaths, injuries and psychological scars gave this attack — like the one in March that killed many children at a park in Pakistan, or the recent slaughter of families celebrating the end of Ramadan in Baghdad — an especially brutal feel and underscored its indiscriminate cruelty.

At least 10 children were killed Thursday night, and at least 35 were treated for injuries at hospitals in Nice. Others were separated from their parents in the chaos, and some no doubt saw and heard things they might carry with them for a long time.

No one who was visiting the waterfront that night could have imagined such a horrific ending. Going to the fireworks on July 14 is an annual family ritual in Nice, a time for picnics on the beach — and, when the beach is too full, for spreading tablecloths on the meridian of the waterfront road known for more than 150 years as the Promenade des Anglais. From there, people have a fine view of the sea and the extravagant fireworks display.

“You have to bring your children because if you don’t, you will pay for it all year — all their friends are there,” said Raja El Kamel, 43, Haroun’s mother, who was with him and a close friend from Sweden and her two children to watch the festivities.

In a city that enjoys a party, the July 14 fireworks are especially beloved because the entire community joins in: Christian and Muslim, religious and secular, but French above all. The presence of large numbers of tourists gives the evening even more of a festive feel.

For 4½-year-old Yanis and his parents, Mickael and Samira Coviaux, the evening was a first. The parents, both truck drivers, live in Grenoble, and this was their first time seeing the July 14 fireworks on the Mediterranean as a family, said Yanis’s aunt Anaïs Coviaux, a law student in Paris, who came to support her brother and sister-in-law after Yanis was killed.

“The children were playing among themselves, and they had their back to the road,” she said. “They did not hear the truck until just one second before it hit. It went up on the sidewalk; it struck Yanis and the mother of one of the other children with them.” The mother also died.

There was no first aid nearby. Finally, Mr. Coviaux picked up his little boy and began walking with him until they found a person with a car who agreed to take them to the hospital. When they passed some firefighters, they stopped and asked them to try to revive him. But the child was dead.

“He was my parents’ only grandson, the only grandson in the family,” Anaïs Coviaux said softly. She explained that her brother and his wife were too distraught to speak. “Yanis loved people,” she said. “He especially liked Sundays when all the family was gathered, and he would say, ‘Mamie and Papi, we are going to have a party.’”

Later, Mr. Coviaux said in an email that “every single person that Yanis met in his short life fell in love with him.”

The entire family gathered on the promenade Saturday to view the last sights he had seen.

“It was important for us to come to the place he died to pay him a tribute,” Anaïs Coviaux said, “because we could not bear to say goodbye to him. We left a picture of him and flowers.”

Identifying children and examining them has been difficult because of the level of trauma and because some were brought to the hospital without relatives, said Sylvie Serret, a child psychiatrist at the Lenval Foundation hospital, which treated at least 30 injured children on Thursday night.

“A lot of the children coming in were in a state of shock; they were not speaking, for instance,” she said.

An emergency room nurse at Pasteur Hospital, Mejdi Chemakhi, cared for several children, including a boy and a girl who had been brought in without their parents. The boy was 4, Mr. Chemakhi said, and the girl was 6.

The boy, Mr. Chemakhi recounted, spoke in a flat tone, apparently in shock.

“My mummy is dead, but my daddy is still alive,” he recalled the boy saying over and over. The boy, expressionless, finally said, “I am tired, I need to sleep, I have no clothes,” Mr. Chemakhi recalled.

“So I took him in my arms and tried to console him,” he said. “You don’t really know what else to do in those situations. It is really important to make them feel safe.”

Later that night, a wounded man was brought to the hospital and told Mr. Chemakhi that he had lost his wife and could not find his children, a boy and a girl. Mr. Chemakhi realized the three belonged together and helped reunite them.

On the Promenade des Anglais on Saturday, there were memorials of flowers and notes, sometimes every few feet, to mark where people had lost their lives. Nathalie Russo, 30, a Muslim who wears a hijab, came with her mother to retrace the steps she and her children, 5-year-old Mayssa and 2-year-old Emine, took on Thursday night.

“My daughter is telling me that she does not want to see fireworks again,” Ms. Russo said, adding, “She kept asking me, ‘How did the bad people get from Paris to Nice?’”

“She thought the man who did this was one of those who attacked the Bataclan,” she said, “and he had come here to do the same thing.”

The Bataclan is the Paris concert hall where 90 people were shot dead by three Islamic State operatives on Nov. 13, when a total of 130 people were killed in and around Paris by terrorists.

Some mothers and fathers who had not been near the fireworks brought their children to see the memorials on Saturday as a way of expressing unity with the community and defiance toward the terrorists.

Nour Hamila, a Nice native who has converted to Islam, made a point of bringing her three children, who are 8, 5 and 3. “I told them not to be afraid because that’s what the terrorists want; we have to support each other,” she said as her 5-year-old son, Mohamed, placed flowers on one of the memorials.

It is harder for those children who witnessed the killings.

For Ms. Kamel’s 12-year-old son, Haroun, the moment is etched in his mind.

“We saw it from far away, a white truck in this black night,” she said. She recalled thinking that the truck did not belong there because the street was closed to traffic.

Her son and her friend’s 12-year-old son and 9-year-old daughter were playing and laughing. Then the driver accelerated and began to veer from one side of the road to the other, “plowing into people,” she said.

Somehow she pushed herself and her son onto the sidewalk as the truck neared. Then it passed, and all she remembers was her son saying, “Mama, Mama, you must come to help the people.”

She looked at the road and recognized a neighbor who was kneeling next to her husband, wailing his name. Ms. Kamel told her son to go with her friend and the other children.

Everything was silent. “There was just this terrible wind,” she said.

“To the left you saw bodies; you looked right and saw bodies; there were strollers, and people trying to save other people.”

After trying to comfort her neighbor, she looked for her son, but by then the crowds were running, and it was chaos. Hours later, when she found him and her friend, her son said, “Mama, did you manage to save the man?”

Ms. Kamel responded that the emergency services had come for him.

“You know, children don’t have a global vision,” she said. “He saw all those corpses, but for him, the one at his feet was supposed to be saved.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/17/world/europe/terror-through-the-eyes-of-innocents-the-children-in-nice.html

Structure of the Lead:

WHO-The children in Nice

WHAT-A relative paid tribute on Saturday to 4-year-old Yanis Coviaux, who was killed in the truck attack along the Promenade des Anglais in Nice, France.

WHERE-Paris

WHEN-2016-July

WHY-not given

HOW-The driver who plowed his truck into crowds at the conclusion of the Bastille Day fireworks in Nice killed at least 84 people and injured hundreds more

keywords:

1. trauma 外傷
2. exacerbated 惡化
3. underscored 強調
4.  brutal 殘酷
5. indiscriminate 不分青紅皂白
6. extravagant 奢華
7. distraught 心煩意亂
8. terrorists 恐怖份子
9. witnessed 見證
10. defiance  蔑視